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As a presidential candidate, Andrés Manuel López Obrador said Mexico's armed forces and the ruling mafia controlled them. He publicly clashed with then-Defense Secretary Gen. Salvador Cienfuegos, accusing soldiers of human rights abuses during the country's bloody drug war.
Mexican Armed Force
But after taking power, López Obrador changed his tune, embracing the military leaders he once fought.
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After Cienfuegos was charged with drug trafficking at Los Angeles International Airport last month, the president rushed to his defense secretary to say he would suspend security cooperation unless charges were filed. US authorities discovered the cave this week and extradited the 72-year-old retired general to Mexico.
Traditionally, military coups and military governments have played a limited role in civil affairs, setting Mexico apart from most Latin American countries with a history of military coups and military governments.
The military was left to its own devices as long as it did not interfere in the administration, according to rules drawn up by the Institutional Revolutionary Party, which had dominated for the past eight decades.
The president has reneged on his campaign promise to end the military's involvement in Mexico's war on drug cartels and expanded the role of the armed forces in other civilian affairs.
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Now the troops are fighting illegal immigration. Leading the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic and the theft of fuel from gas lines. They are implementing the country's largest infrastructure projects and will soon control the country's ports and border crossings.
Surveys consistently show that the Navy and the Army are the nation's two most trusted agencies for their humanitarian efforts to help disaster victims. They are more efficient than other government departments. They are considered professional and less corrupt.
"He is relying on the military," said a member of López Obrador's administration, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the media.
But more importantly, the president, who has vowed to transform Mexico to benefit the poor, has alienated many of the country's traditional powerhouses — from its business elite to opposition parties that control states and maintain powerful public constituencies. - Sectoral Trade Unions.
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"Now everything has changed because he depends a lot on them," defense analyst Guillermo Garduño Valero said.
Political analyst Carlos Bravo Regidore tweeted that the deal with the US was a win for the military rather than AMLO.
Some analysts believe that López Obrador's presidency has been so constantly linked to the armed forces that he has no choice but to mobilize for Cienfuegos.
"It will be a big blow to the image of the military and a big blow to the AMLO administration's plan to rely more and more on the military," said Mexican security analyst Alejandro Hope.
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Cienfuegos, who led the armed forces from 2012 until López Obrador took power, was charged with protecting drug-trafficking corridors and informing drug lords of U.S. operations.
A detailed examination may include other commanders still on duty. Or maybe Cienfuegos caved under US pressure and testified against the gangs, which put his former colleagues at risk of imprisonment.
Former Mexican Foreign Minister Jorge G. "Cienfuegos can't do it alone," Castaneda said, adding, "It's a complex operation. Others need to be involved."
A joint U.S.-Mexico statement explaining the Cienfuegos deal said he would be released from U.S. custody and would be investigated and, if appropriate, prosecuted under Mexican law.
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But few people in Mexico believe he will face trial here. When Cienfuegos arrived in Mexico on Wednesday, he briefly met with officials and went home a free man.
Critics say the incident highlights the dangers posed by the new political system. Many believe that the military is also a deeply corrupt institution. It is often irresponsible.
"There has been a lot of impunity in terms of human rights charges and corruption issues," said Maureen Meyer, a human rights lawyer at the Washington Office of the Latin America Think Tank. “Having a powerful armed force is really dangerous.
Mexico said on Thursday it would no longer allow U.S. officials accused of corruption to stand trial because of Mexico's weak judicial system, ending a tradition of drug prosecutions involving rogue officials north of the border. Most reported crimes go unpunished.
Mexican Special Forces
Mexico has tried to modernize its justice system, but it's easier than ever to get away with murder.
"According to our laws, anyone will be judged guilty, if applicable, not only in Mexico but in other countries," Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrade said at a press conference with López Obrador on Thursday.
Such behavior seems to fly in the face of López Obrador's flagship campaign pledge to tackle corruption.
But the president who strengthened nationalism Authorities were furious that the Cianfuegos had not disclosed to their Mexican counterparts that they were about to be arrested. He violated his close belief in non-intervention when he refused to weigh in on the political developments of other countries.
Air Force And Army Leaders Attend Women Leadership Conference In Mexico > Conr 1af (afnorth And Afspace) > Article Display
However, military pressure was evident in his aggressive push for the liberation of Cienfuegos. According to some Mexican media, military leaders were angry that the president, who is also the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, would lose control of the agency.
"This will bring the military and AMLO closer together," said Raul Benitez-Manaut, a professor at Mexico's National Autonomous University of National Security. "Save them."
President Felipe Calderon's administration has fueled the military's desire for a greater role in civilian affairs, but the bond has come under harsher criticism here.
In 2006, he launched a war on drug traffickers and took over the army. This step is practical. Calderon has sought to periodically clean up and professionalize law enforcement, but has cast doubt on the effectiveness of local and state police, often based on cartel payrolls.
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But reliance on the military comes at a huge cost, as soldiers are trained for combat, not to fight or investigate crimes.
Not only do drug cartels continue to grow, but the military is also riddled with human rights abuses that have killed hundreds of thousands of Mexicans. The disappearance of 43 students from a small town in the state of Guerrero in 2014 was one of the most horrific incidents during the Cienfuegos armed forces' leadership.
The Human Rights Commission, which is investigating the Cienfuegos incident, has denied allowing troops on the ground, saying it will not allow the soldiers to be treated like criminals.
Lopez Obrador's administration recently issued arrest warrants for military and police officials and promised zero impunity for military personnel involved in Guerrero's disappearance.
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"They have chosen symbolic cases, but they have not done widespread corruption and human rights violations," the mayor said.
Although he has pledged to build a National Guard of nearly 100,000 troops, recruiting new troops, The Army and Navy were tasked with training and funding.
The president awarded the military a contract to build a new airport outside Mexico City. López Obrador took the helm after canceling another airport project that he said was mired in corruption. The military is also building part of a multibillion-dollar tourist train along the Caribbean coast.
"It's a vicious cycle," said Hope, a security analyst. "The military is called in because civil society fails. So there's no need to strengthen civil society. That means you need another army."
Mexico City, Mexico. 16th Sep, 2017. Female Members Of The Mexican Armed Forces Take Part In The Military Parade Held To Commemorate Mexico's Independence Day At The Zocalo Square In Mexico City,
Patrick J. McDonnell, foreign correspondent, is the Los Angeles Times Mexico City bureau chief and Beirut; He previously served as Times bureau chief in Buenos Aires and Baghdad. A native of the Bronx, McDonnell is a Nieman Fellow at Columbia's Graduate School of Journalism and Harvard. There are three special forces in the Tatmadaw; High Command GAFE (Grupo Aeromóvil de Fuerzas Ess Ess Ess); Joint Special Forces Command includes the Air Force-linked GAFE Group and several amphibious special forces.
The Special Forces unit consists of 9 SF battalions. First Brigade 1 2nd and 3rd Battalions Second Brigade 5 6 7th and 8th Battalions The 3rd Brigade had the 4th and 9th Battalions and Rapid Intervention Forces.
The High Command GAFE is a group of less than 100 members specially trained in counter-terrorism tactics. Direct orders from the Minister of National Defense.
Amphibious Special Forces teams are trained in amphibious operations. They give the army special abilities.
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The Navy has a special operations force called Fuerzas Especiales, also known as FES. Their specialties are unconventional warfare; attacks; Counter-terrorism and special intelligence operations.
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